Andy Kerr

Conservationist, Writer, Analyst, Operative, Agitator, Strategist, Tactitian, Schmoozer, Raconteur

National Parks in Oregon, Part 4: Will the Inertia Continue?

National Parks in Oregon, Part 4: Will the Inertia Continue?

I am bearish on the prospect of establishing any new national parks in Oregon, save perhaps one that would be a hell of a long shot. I am semi-bullish on the possibility of modest additions to Oregon’s only national park. But I am bullish on the chances of designating several new National Park System units in Oregon.

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National Parks in Oregon, Part 3: Modest Expansion amid Grand Hopes

National Parks in Oregon, Part 3: Modest Expansion amid Grand Hopes

No new national park proposal in Oregon has made it past the finish line since the establishment of Crater Lake National Park in 1902. Oregon’s only national park has had two very modest additions since then, in 1932 and in 1980.

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National Parks in Oregon, Part 2: Multiple Failures

National Parks in Oregon, Part 2: Multiple Failures

Part 2 discusses multiple failures to establish additional national parks in Oregon.

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National Parks in Oregon, Part 1: One Success

National Parks in Oregon, Part 1: One Success

There are national parks and then there are other units of the National Park System—all administered by the National Park Service. The United States has 62 national parks. It has another 357 units that are also part of the National Park System but go by another name (national whatevers). Herein we focus on the one national park in Oregon.

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Conserving and Restoring the Mount Hood National Forest

Conserving and Restoring the Mount Hood National Forest

In 2019, Senator Ron Wyden and Representative Earl Blumenauer met with various stakeholders at Timberline Lodge to discuss the future of greater Mount Hood. Senator and Representative: What’s your plan?

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Another Northwest Forest War in the Offing? Part 2: Current Threats and Perhaps an Epic Opportunity

 This is the second of two Public Lands Blog posts that examine the management (and mismanagement) of more than 2 million acres of federal forestlands in western Oregon, administered by the Bureau of Land Management. Part 1 examined the history of rampant clear-cutting of old-growth forests and vast windfalls of revenues to local counties as a result. Part 2 examines the current threats to these public lands from the timber industry and local counties, and the opportunity that could present itself to secure permanent comprehensive congressional conservation of these imperiled lands.

Fig. 1. If Big Timber and the Addicted Counties get their way, large-scale old-growth forest liquidation will resume on western Oregon federal public lands administered by the Bureau of Land Management. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

Fig. 1. If Big Timber and the Addicted Counties get their way, large-scale old-growth forest liquidation will resume on western Oregon federal public lands administered by the Bureau of Land Management. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

To review, the fate of more than 2 million acres of federal forestlands in western Oregon turns on the question of how the Oregon and California Lands Act (OCLA) of 1937 is to be interpreted. These three basic positions have been taken:

• The conservation community sees a multiple-use statute—although a less-than-fully-encompassing one—and see that multiple-use statute alongside other applicable statutes, including but not limited to, the Endangered Species Act, the Clean Water Act, and the Antiquities Act.

• Big Timber and the Addicted Counties see a timber-above-all-else statute.

• The BLM sees a timber-focused statute in the context of a United States Code that also includes the Endangered Species Act, the Antiquities Act, the Clean Water Act, and many other statutes that they must obey, follow, and/or enforce.

Figure 2. Prior to Northwest Forest War II, old-growth forest liquidation was rampant. Just three logs on a loaded log truck means that they undoubtedly came from an old-growth forest. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

Figure 2. Prior to Northwest Forest War II, old-growth forest liquidation was rampant. Just three logs on a loaded log truck means that they undoubtedly came from an old-growth forest. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

War by Litigation

Big Timber (in the form of the American Forest Resource Council, AFRC) and the Addicted Counties (in the form of the Association of Oregon and California Counties, AOCC) have brought a series of legal cases that have successfully (so far and in some courts) relitigated matters of law that previously went against them. One needs a scorecard to make sense of it all, particularly as over the decades, various courts have found, among many other inconsistencies, that

• the OCLA is a timber-first statute;

• the BLM (forced by the Clinton administration’s secretary of the interior, Bruce Babbitt) can place off-limits to logging large late-successional (mature and old-growth) forest reserves and riparian (streamside) reserves on O&C (and CBWR) lands, using its authorities under the Clean Water Act and the Endangered Species Act;

• the BLM must sell a very large amount of timber, despite the Clean Water Act and the Endangered Species Act;

• a president, using powers granted by Congress, can establish a national monument including O&C lands; and 

• a president cannot establish a national monument on O&C lands if those lands have commercial timber potential (most do).

This all has not yet been sorted out.

Following is a summary account of the pertinent OCLA legal cases and their current status. There are the resource management plan cases, the Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument cases, and the northern spotted owl critical habitat case.

The Resource Management Plan Cases

1995 RMPs. In 2015, Big Timber challenged the BLM’s 1995 resource management plans (RMPs), which in effect outline how the Northwest Forest Plan (NWFP) is to be followed on BLM lands. Yes, Judge William Dwyer of the US District Court for Washington had ruled in 1995 that the NWFP was legal for BLM lands, but wait a decade and try again in a different court. Big Timber’s court of choice was the US District Court for the District of Columbia, in most particular Judge Richard J. Leon. Judge Leon found that the BLM had violated the OCLA by not offering the maximum amount of timber that it said it would in its RMPs. (In earlier legal battles, Big Timber’s judge of choice, Thomas Penfield Jackson, sat on the same district court.)

2016 RMPs Case 1 (Big Timber). In 2016, Big Timber (different plaintiffs) challenged the BLM’s 2016 RMPs, which in effect withdrew the BLM from the NWFP but nonetheless resulted in a net increase of “reserves” from approximately two-thirds to three-quarters of the BLM lands in western Oregon. Big Timber asked the court to overturn the RMPs and force the BLM to revise them in order to offer for sale the maximum amount of timber possible as OCLA requires. Judge Leon might well grant their wish.

2016 RMPs Case 2 (Addicted Counties). In 2016, the Addicted Counties filed an essentially identical challenge to 2016 RMPs Case 1. Legally and politically, there is no daylight between Big Timber and the Addicted Counties. This is also before Judge Leon.

2016 RMPs Case 3 (Conservation Community). In 2016, several Oregon conservation organizations challenged the 2016 RMPs’ halving of the riparian reserves of the 1995 RMPs (which were in alignment with the NWFP), for failing to consider the environmental consequences for Forest Service timberlands of the BLM pulling out of the NWFP. Alas, this suit was lost in the District Court for Oregon and is on appeal to the US Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals.

The Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument Cases

In 2000, President Clinton proclaimed the Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument, which included both BLM O&C and public domain (PD) lands. Big Timber and the Addicted Counties groused but did not sue.

In 2017, President Obama expanded the Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument. Hedging their bets, Big Timber sued in both the US District Court for Oregon and the US District Court for the District of Columbia (different plaintiffs). The Addicted Counties also sued in DC (same judge). Their complaints are essentially interchangeable.

Judge Michael McShane in the District Court for Oregon found the monument expansion to be legal and that O&C lands could be included in a national monument. Judge Leon in the District Court for the District of Columbia found the opposite. Appeals in the respective courts of appeal are ongoing.

The Northern Spotted Owl Critical Habitat Case

In the US District Court for the District of Columbia, Big Timber seeks to overturn the critical habitat rule issued by the Fish and Wildlife Service that specified critical habitat (CH) necessary for the conservation of the Endangered Species Act–protected northern spotted owl (NSO). No decision yet. A lot of public forestland (BLM and Forest Service) has been designated NSO CH. Though filed in 2015, the case has still not been decided on its merits (or lack thereof).

Figure 3. A one-log load circa 1960. Source: Umpqua Valley Museums.

Figure 3. A one-log load circa 1960. Source: Umpqua Valley Museums.

How the Cases Could Go

In the end, the interests of the conservation community could prevail on appeal in both the Ninth Circuit in the West and the DC Circuit in the East. Ironically, our interests and those of the federal government are the same. In all cases—save for the conservation community suit against the BLM—the position of the federal government is that Big Timber and the Addicted Counties are wrong. Even under this horrible president, the federal government seeks to maintain its discretion and prerogative. 

Yes, the Trump administration is arguing in federal courts in Oregon and in Washington DC that the president can proclaim a national monument, while simultaneously arguing in the District Court for Utah that a president can shrink national monuments previously proclaimed. Yes, the Soda Mountain Wilderness Council, the primary advocate for the establishment of and continuation of the Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument, has intervened in the cases in defense of defendant Donald J. Trump.

Go Trump administration! (Actually, Trump administration, just go.)

On the other hand, consider this a gentle warning to the Oregon and national public lands conservation community. A gentle warning in the same vein as my Nest® smoke detectors’ gentle voice warning that it has detected some smoke in the kitchen, which permits me a chance to remedy the chicken (organic pasture-raised and slaughtered by vegan virgins, of course) that is burning in the oven before the devices simultaneously clang and yell at me.

Big Timber and the Addicted Counties could legally prevail. The courts, especially the appeals courts and higher, are being populated with Trump-appointed conservatives (often in fact corporate socialists or libertarian extremists). Precedent isn’t as precedential as it used to be under this presidency, as this president has especially packed the courts of appeal and higher.

The ramparts are staffed. Oregon Wild, Klamath-Siskiyou Wild, Cascadia Wildlands, Klamath Forest Alliance, and others are challenging bad BLM timber sales.

Lawyering the conservation community’s way through the O&C litigation quagmire are the most able Susan Jane Brown of the Western Environmental Law Center and Kristen Boyles of Earthjustice. If the Oregon conservation community fails to prevail, it will be because of conservative activist judges, not our lawyers.

What the conservation community is now doing is exclusively defense—defending a status quo BLM management of O&C (and CBWR, and PD) lands that while far better than what it used to be is far from what it should be.

Figure 4. If the tree is heavy enough, it will press down on the bar of the chainsaw that is killing it, thereby requiring a hydraulic assist. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

Figure 4. If the tree is heavy enough, it will press down on the bar of the chainsaw that is killing it, thereby requiring a hydraulic assist. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

When Handed Lemons, Make Lemon Mojitos

Having lost their social license to clear-cut older forests on public lands, Big Timber and the Addicted Counties are seeking a legal license to do so that may or may not be legal. Depending on the outcome of the pending litigation, the Oregon conservation community should be prepared to seize the opportunity to secure enduring protection for BLM lands in western Oregon.

If there is no legal license to log the crap out of most BLM lands in western Oregon, the conservation community should complement our site-specific challenges to bad BLM timber sales with increased advocacy for additional areas of wilderness, wild and scenic rivers, national recreation areas, legislated areas of critical environmental concern, and other comprehensive congressional conservation for 2.6 million acres of federal public lands in western Oregon.

If it turns out there is a legal license to log the crap out of most BLM lands in western Oregon, the conservation community must seize the once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to secure enduring comprehensive congressional conservation for each and every damn acre of BLM lands in western Oregon.

Thank you, Big Timber and the Addicted Counties, for starting another Northwest forest war.

NWFW III will be fought more locally than nationally in equal parts. If Big Timber and the Addicted Counties feel besieged now, just wait. They will rue the day they tried to reclaim the bad old days and not adapt to changing times.

The Oregon and the national conservation community will take to the streets, the trees, and the Congress. Its ranks will swell with a new generation of public lands conservationists who first came to love forests for their unique ability to store and sequester otherwise atmosphere-endangering carbon.

Roadmap to a Sane Resolution to NWFW III

If massive clear-cutting of old-growth forests resumes big-time on federal public lands, it will be up to the Oregon congressional delegation to put an end to it, once and for all. Let’s look at the positions of the Oregon congressional delegation on old-growth logging.

During Northwest Forest War II (2013–2016), Democrats Ron Wyden and Jeff Merkley introduced legislation that would have protected all moist forest stands on BLM lands more than 80 years old and in dry forest stands all trees more than 150 years old. Representative Earl Blumenauer (D-3rd) has called for the permanent protection of all older forests. Representative Suzanne Bonamici (D-1st) doesn’t have a lot of federal forestland in her district, but her environmental positions tend to track those of Blumenauer, Wyden, and Merkley. While on the wrong side during NWFW II, Representatives Kurt Schrader (D-5th), Peter DeFazio (D-4th), and Greg Walden (R-2nd) still had legislation that would have protected trees more than 120 years of age in western Oregon BLM forests.

The Oregon congressional delegation will either rise to greatness and leave a great conservation legacy or fall from grace and leave a despicable legacy. I’m betting on the former.

Here’s the roadmap:

•       Abolish the Oregon and California Lands Act.

•       Expand the National Forest System by transferring ~2.4 million acres from the BLM to the Forest Service.

•       Expand the National Wild Refuge System by transferring ~0.2 million acres from the BLM to the Fish and Wildlife Service.

•       Take the $100 million that would be saved annually by such transfers and pay the Addicted Counties one last big check they don’t deserve.

•       Dedicate the former western Oregon BLM forestlands to the storage and sequestration of carbon for the benefit of the climate, biological diversity, and watershed integrity for this and future generations.

Thank you, Big Timber and the Addicted Counties, for never adapting to a changed Oregon. The Oregon conservation community wouldn’t be able to do this without your help.

NWFW III will be the best so far.

Figure 5. Growing up in timber country, I never believed the maxim that the smaller the penis on the man, the larger the bar on the chainsaw. This one (bar, that is) is at least 48”. Unfortunately, 72” bars are still being manufactured. Source: Bure…

Figure 5. Growing up in timber country, I never believed the maxim that the smaller the penis on the man, the larger the bar on the chainsaw. This one (bar, that is) is at least 48”. Unfortunately, 72” bars are still being manufactured. Source: Bureau of Land Management.

Another Northwest Forest War in the Offing? Part 1: A Sordid Tale of Environmental Destruction, Greed, and Political Malfeasance

Another Northwest Forest War in the Offing? Part 1: A Sordid Tale of Environmental Destruction, Greed, and Political Malfeasance

There may (or may not) soon be an existential threat to over two million acres of federal public forestlands in western Oregon administered (for now, at least) by the Bureau of Land Management. Northwest Forest War III may be in the offing, and such would be a good thing.

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The Presidency in 2020: To Be Decided by 538 Votes Cast in 51 Elections

The Presidency in 2020: To Be Decided by 538 Votes Cast in 51 Elections

We don’t have one national election for president in 2020. Rather we have fifty-one elections (in fifty states and the District of Columbia) that will decide the next president of the United States. Today, we can predict with certainty the total number of votes that will be cast for the presidency: 538.

That is 2 votes for each state (equaling the number of US senators), additional votes equaling the number of members of each state’s delegation to the House of Representatives (435 total), plus the 3 electoral votes cast by DC (which we can hope will someday be the state called Douglass Commonwealth).

Figure 1. Electoral votes allocated by states. Source: Wikipedia.

Figure 1. Electoral votes allocated by states. Source: Wikipedia.

What Does This Have to Do with Public Lands?

The US Constitution’s property clause (Article IV, Section 3, Clause 2) says:

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; . . .

Regarding the property clause, the Supreme Court has found that “[t]he power over the public land thus entrusted to Congress is without limitations” (United States v. Gratiot39 U. S. 526 [1840]). However, Congress has delegated much of its power over the public lands to either the president (for example, the power to establish national monuments and to proscribe oil and gas development in areas of the ocean), the secretary of agriculture (the National Forest System, administered by the USDA Forest Service), and—mainly—the secretary of the interior (the National Park System, the National Wildlife Refuge System, Bureau of Land Management holdings, and such).

Cabinet secretaries are nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate. With its current cabinet and their predilections, the Trump administration is an existential threat to public lands as we know and love them. This is mainly because Trump has blown through so many norms (“a standard or pattern, especially of social behavior, that is typical or expected of a group”). No previous president would even have considered trying many of the things Trump has gotten away with (for me, shrinking national monuments comes immediately to mind). Imagine him in a second term.

To protect the public lands for this and future generations, we must put the current administration out to pasture.

The Popular Vote Doesn’t Matter

Just ask Andrew Jackson (1824), Samuel Tilden (1876), Grover Cleveland (1888), Al Gore (2000), and Hillary Clinton (2016). They all received the most votes from voters but lost in the Electoral College vote.

Figure 2. The 2016 presidential election. Though receiving more popular votes, Hillary Clinton (blue) received only 227 electoral votes. Trump (red) received 304 votes. Colin Powell received 3 votes, while John Kasich, Ron Paul, Bernie Sanders, and …

Figure 2. The 2016 presidential election. Though receiving more popular votes, Hillary Clinton (blue) received only 227 electoral votes. Trump (red) received 304 votes. Colin Powell received 3 votes, while John Kasich, Ron Paul, Bernie Sanders, and Faith Spotted Eagle each received 1 vote. Source: Wikipedia.

Electoral votes in most states are winner-take-all, save for Maine (4) and Nebraska (5), which give two votes to the statewide winner and a vote to the winner of each congressional district. From an Electoral College standpoint, any popular vote above the 50 percent plus one vote required to win the Electoral College votes in the forty-eight states where a plurality win is good enough, is a vote that makes no difference. As Clinton showed, one can get millions more popular votes than her opponent, but if those extra votes are in blue states, they are for naught.

Unless one wins the Electoral College, one doesn’t get to govern, no matter how worthy and just the policy proposals. However, given the existential threat Trump poses to the public lands—or to [fill in the blank]—the consequences of winning (or losing) are just more important in 2020.

“Electability” Boils Down to the Ten States in Play

In 2020, electability will boil down to who wins the Electoral College votes in ten states. (See Figure 3.) The blue states will most likely vote Democratic (209 votes), while the red states will most likely vote Republican (204 votes). It is the toss-up gray (some prefer the resulting mix of purple) states that will decide who is the next president of the United States (125 votes).

Figure 3. The states in play. Click on the source link to go to an interactive version where you can change the colors on the map and see what it takes to get to 270 electoral votes. (Hint: try doing it without Florida.) Source: Taegan Goddard’s Ele…

Figure 3. The states in play. Click on the source link to go to an interactive version where you can change the colors on the map and see what it takes to get to 270 electoral votes. (Hint: try doing it without Florida.) Source: Taegan Goddard’s Electoral Vote Map.

In each of the ten toss-up states, the margin of victory for the winning presidential candidate in 2016 was less than 2 percent. Trump is defending six of these states he won in 2016: Arizona (11), Florida (29), Michigan (16), Pennsylvania (20), Wisconsin (10), and North Carolina (15), for a total of 101 votes. The Democratic nominee will be defending four states: Maine (4), Minnesota (10), New Hampshire (4), and Nevada (6), for a total of 24 votes (in 2016 Clinton received 23 of these votes because Trump won in Maine’s 2nd congressional district). 

Is It Time for Reform Yet? 

As some states continue to increase population faster than others, the likelihood that the winner of the popular vote and of the Electoral College vote will not be the same person will increase dramatically in the years to come. It’s only two of three modern data points, but two of the last three presidents were losers in the popular vote.

Figure 4. Population per electoral vote by state. As the extremes of California and Wyoming show, it is not one person, one vote in the Electoral College. Source: Wikipedia.

Figure 4. Population per electoral vote by state. As the extremes of California and Wyoming show, it is not one person, one vote in the Electoral College. Source: Wikipedia.

Just as we went to the direct election of senators in 1913 with the Seventeenth Amendment (previously senators were elected by their respective state legislatures), we need to amend the US Constitution to provide for the direct election of the president. Getting such an amendment through the Senate and ratified by three-quarters of the states is a heavy, if not impossible, lift, given the power of the small states (see above).

An alternative might be the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact, which would bypass amending the Constitution in a creative use of the constitutional provision that says states have vast power to set the terms of federal elections in their states.

However, reform will not occur by the first Tuesday in November—er, I mean by December 20 (the day George Washington died), 2020, when the members of the 2020 Electoral College gather in their respective state capitals to officially elect the next president of the United States.

To Boot, the Gerrymandered Senate Is Likely to Worsen

They would do more if they could, but Oregon’s Democratic senators, Ron Wyden and Jeff Merkley, are able to achieve less lasting congressional conservation for Oregon’s federal public lands because they are in the minority in the Senate.

In the 2018 election, Democrats running for the US Senate received twelve million more votes than Republicans running for the US Senate. The result is that Republicans hold fifty-three seats to the Democrats’ forty-seven.

For the US Senate, gerrymandering is baked into the US Constitution, and gerrymandering is likely to become more anti-Democratic Party over time. According to David Birdsell, dean of the Marxe School of Public and International Affairs at Baruch College, by 2040 it is likely that 70 percent of Americans will live in fifteen states. They will be represented by thirty senators. The other seventy senators will represent 30 percent of Americans. The red-blue / urban-rural / liberal-conservative / coast-flyover divides will increase.

Some kind of Senate reform should also be undertaken.

Who Am I Supporting for President?

In case you couldn’t tell, I will not be voting for Donald John Trump.

I also won’t be voting for a third-party candidate, because in the U.S. winner-take-all system, such a vote is effectively a vote for the major party candidate you most don’t want.

However, by the time I vote in the Oregon presidential primary on May 19, all but five presidential primaries or caucuses will already have been done, so my vote is not likely to be consequential.

So vote schmote, who am I supporting for the Democratic nomination for president? Earlier, I sent money to Washington governor Jay Inslee, wanting him to advance in the presidential debates to bring attention to the existential threat of the climate crisis. He is now seeking another term as governor. I’ve not yet given money to any other candidate, but I want the Democratic nominee to be the one most likely to garner at least 270 votes in the Electoral College.

While this election, like nearly all elections, is about turning out the base, this Electoral College election is all about swinging enough of the swing states to the Democratic column. This can be done by either a more massive turnout of base Democratic voters than base Republican voters in those swing states or appealing to enough “moderates” in those states that Donald Trump needs to go. These moderates include a significant number of Democrats who voted for Obama twice and Trump once. Such moderates also include Republicans who held their nose and voted for Trump, but more against Hillary Clinton. One can only hope that the Trump stench is so horrible and pervasive that it cannot be staunched by merely holding one’s nose. However, the Democrats must offer an alternative acceptable to these swing voters in the ten swing states.

Over a beer (perhaps we would need two), we could debate which Democratic candidate has the best chance of doing that. For the reasons stated herein, I will insist on limiting the discussion to the candidate’s electability in the ten states in play.

L’Affaire Malheur, Part 2: Backstory and Analysis

L’Affaire Malheur, Part 2: Backstory and Analysis

Malheur means adversity, misfortunate, and/or tragedy, and I believe Senator Ron Wyden’s proposed Malheur Community Empowerment for the Owyhee Act (S.2828) can indeed be characterized as such.

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L’Affaire Malheur, Part 1: The Proposed Legislation

L’Affaire Malheur, Part 1: The Proposed Legislation

Malheur is the French word for adversity, misfortune, and/or tragedy. It is also, among other things, a name for a county in Oregon, a national forest, a national wildlife refuge, and a river. Senator Ron Wyden’s proposed Malheur Community Empowerment for the Owyhee Act is indeed a misfortune and a tragedy.

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Crowdsourcing New and Expanded Oregon Wild and Scenic Rivers, Part 1: An Unprecedented Opportunity

Crowdsourcing New and Expanded Oregon Wild and Scenic Rivers, Part 1: An Unprecedented Opportunity

Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR) is asking his constituents to nominate possible new wild and scenic rivers for Oregon. You have until January 20, 2020. This opportunity is unprecedented and potentially historic. All hands on deck!

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Public Land Conservation Grand Bargains, Part 1: Hard Choices Ahead for Oregon Conservationists

Public Land Conservation Grand Bargains, Part 1: Hard Choices Ahead for Oregon Conservationists

If the soundtrack of Schoolhouse Rock’s “How a Bill Becomes Law” is an earworm in your head, it’s time to exorcise the demon. It no longer works that way.

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